Archive for the 'egypt' Category

04
Jun
08

Egypt: Beating of ‘Facebook’ Activist

Authorities Use Intimidation, Violence to Suppress Online Advocacy

[Cairo, May 10, 2008] – Egyptian authorities should immediately investigate and prosecute those security officials responsible for beating Ahmed Maher Ibrahim, Human Rights Watch said today. Maher, a 27-year-old civil engineer, used the social-networking site Facebook to support calls for a general strike on May 4, 2008, President Hosni Mubarak’s 80th birthday.

Maher told Human Rights Watch that officers from the Interior Ministry’s State Security Investigations (SSI) department apprehended him on a street in the suburb of New Cairo on May 7, blindfolded him and took him to a police station where they stripped him naked, and beat him intermittently for 12 hours before releasing him without charge.

“This is the work of thugs, pure and simple,” said Joe Stork, Middle East deputy director at Human Rights Watch. “The government must show that those responsible for upholding the law are also subject to the law.”

Before the incident, Maher said, an SSI officer phoned him on April 25 to invite him “for a coffee” on the following day at SSI headquarters in Lazoghli, in downtown Cairo. Maher did not show up.

Over the course of the following week, Maher spoke with international news media about the strike. He told the BBC that several SSI officers had contacted him, but that he was undeterred. “If we allow ourselves to fear them, we won’t do anything,” he told the BBC. “Then I would consider myself a partner in the crimes taking place in Egypt.”

On May 4, it appeared that few Egyptians had heeded the call for a strike. On May 7, however, as Maher was driving in New Cairo at around 1 p.m., an unmarked van with non-official license plates pulled in front of him. Three other unmarked cars, also with non-official plates, surrounded the car and some 12 men in civilian clothes pulled him into the van, where they handcuffed and blindfolded him.

Maher told Human Rights Watch that the men took him first to the New Cairo police station. There, he was beaten and insulted by men he could not identify because he was blindfolded. Maher said that around the time of the afternoon prayers (4:30 p.m.), his captors took him to SSI headquarters at Lazoghli. There, they stripped him down to his underwear, threatened to rape him with a stick, and continued kicking, beating, and insulting him, and dragging him across the floor. The blows fell mostly on his back and his neck, he said, and he lost some hearing after a sharp blow to one ear. Maher said his assailants wore gloves and applied lotion to his back between beatings in an apparent attempt to reduce bruising.

According to Maher, the officers did not accuse him of anything, but asked for the password of the May 4 Facebook group that news reports said he had started. They also asked him about members of the group he had never met. The SSI officers released him before dawn on May 8 with the warning that he would be beaten more severely the next time State Security detained him. The evening after his release, May 8, Maher went to a private hospital for a medical examination, including a CAT scan, the results of which were not available as of this writing.

“Sadly, Maher’s treatment is part of a pattern of abuse and extralegal intimidation by state officials,” Stork said. “Egypt needs to put an end to the lawlessness of its law-enforcement officers.”

In another incident a month earlier, Isra’a `Abd al-Fattah, 29, was among roughly 500 people arrested by police nationwide in connection with a call for a strike on April 6. (Most of those arrested were from the industrial Nile Delta city of Mahalla al-Kobra, where demonstrations against rising prices turned violent.) `Abd al-Fattah had also used a social network group on Facebook to publicize the April 6 strike, leading to her detention for more than two weeks. Prosecutors had ordered her release a few days after she was arrested when charges against her of “inciting unrest” were dismissed, but interior ministry officials kept her in detention until April 23.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Egypt ratified in 1982, holds that “no one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are established by law,” and that “no one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.”

Fledgling Rebellion on Facebook Is Struck Down by Force in Egypt

By Ellen Knickmeyer
Washington Post Foreign Service
Sunday, May 18, 2008; A01

CAIRO — At 1:49 a.m. in an Internet cafe only then quieting after Cairo’s daily rumble, 27-year-old Ahmed Maher worked at a computer. He wore the same shirt he had had on for two days. The essentials of his life on the run lay splayed out next to his keyboard — car keys, cigarettes, prepaid cellphone.

Maher pursed his lips, typing intently. His dream of a people’s uprising organized on Facebook was beginning to slip through his scrabbling fingers.

Worries about the risks of political activism in Egypt were spilling onto his screen. It won’t work, one man wrote. The government’s already infiltrated us, wrote another. This is stupid, wrote a third.

Since late March, 74,000 people had registered on a Facebook page created and run by Maher and a few other young Egyptians, most of them newcomers to activism. Even some of Egypt’s older, more disillusioned proponents of democracy had let themselves hope that a social networking Web site created by American college students could become an electronic rallying point for protest against President Hosni Mubarak’s 27-year rule.

But the experience of the Facebook activists showed the limits of technology as a means of organizing dissent against a repressive government. Maher would end up among what rights groups said were 500 Egyptians arrested during two months of political activism in Egypt — and find himself stripped and beaten in a Cairo police station, he said.

In the pre-dawn hours of Sunday, May 4, the day of a planned strike, the failure of his Facebook movement was only just becoming clear. Maher and other organizers worked to prop up the spirits of their supporters. We’ve got to do something, Maher insisted online.

At 7 a.m., he leaned back and let himself close his eyes for the first time that night. Opening them again an hour later, he saw a message saying his account had been shut down. He had sent so many messages, Facebook suspected him of spamming.
Strategizing Online

Israa Abdel Fattah, a 27-year-old human resources administrator with no political experience, launched the online movement with Maher, sending out an open invitation to join an April 6 strike against Egypt’s rising food prices.

When the strike overlapped with a textile workers’ walkout over low wages and soaring prices, the result was one of the most dramatic political protests in Egypt in years.

In the city of El Mahalla el Kubra, two hours from Cairo, security forces battled civilians, killing at least two people and injuring dozens. Many in Egypt gasped at scenes of protesters toppling a giant billboard of Mubarak, wondering if it marked a turning point.

Security forces around the country arrested hundreds, including Abdel Fattah, who had become known as “Facebook Girl” after she co-founded the April 6 group. She came out of jail swearing off activism.

Maher took over for the May 4 strike, called to mark Mubarak’s 80th birthday.

“Ninety-five percent of the members of the Facebook group have no previous political party — we are not a political group,” Maher said in a Cairo cafe two days before the planned May 4 protests. “Our main job is that the people have awareness of their rights and know how to break their handcuffs and remove their shackles.”

Surmising that the government was watching their efforts, leaders created Facebook subgroups with innocuous names such as Eggplant and Cucumber.

Online, they swapped ideas and plotted strategy: They would ask people to stay home that Sunday, a workday here. The bravest would gather for protests, in sites to be announced via text messages. The less brave would be asked to wear black T-shirts or hang Egyptian flags on their doors or roofs. Organizers deleted any messages calling for violence.

Maher said many of the most committed were girls and young women. Israa Mustafa, an 18-year-old college sophomore in Cairo, had never taken part in a protest, joined a movement or voted. She joined the Facebook group at the start. Police briefly arrested her April 6. The arrest strengthened her, Mustafa said. “I realized what I was doing was only my legitimate right,” she said.

The activists knew some of the challenges they faced: More than a quarter of Egypt’s 80 million people are illiterate. Only 8 percent have access to the Internet.

To get the word out, the Facebook group encouraged its members to use spray paint and banners to advertise the strike. They wrote slogans on currency, choosing notes of the smallest denomination to better reach the poor.

On Friday, May 2, security forces tailed, then chased Maher, Mustafa and another young Facebook member through downtown Cairo, Maher and Mustafa said. Maher ducked into a shop to escape. Mustafa fled into Cairo’s subway and a women-only carriage, where other women evicted security men trying to arrest her.

Maher went into hiding. He said goodbye to his 3-month-old daughter and his wife, who worried he would go to jail and lose his job.

Political veterans mocked the Facebook members for calling on people to stay home — a passive people, they said, protesting by becoming more passive.

The government took actions of its own as May 4 approached. Authorities announced bonuses for the Mahalla textile workers and a 30 percent raise for civil servants, defusing some anger over rising prices.

Officials also ordered cellphone companies to block all text-messaging and voice services for anonymous subscribers. The government filed charges against a broadcaster that had distributed images of protesters tearing down Mubarak’s portrait.

On May 4, Cairenes woke to new billboards in main squares. “Young people love Egypt,” the signs said. “Serious people create, not destroy.”
Bitter Outcome

At 2 p.m. that day, cars clogged Cairo’s busiest streets. There were no signs of a popular strike. Maher, cruising the capital in a car, took a call from his wife, who was increasingly distraught over the dangers of his activism.

She had taken the baby and gone to her parents, she told him. Maher, in a black T-shirt and sunglasses shoved up on his shaved head, stared at his phone after the call. “All this for nothing,” he said.

In front of Cairo’s main scene of recent protests, security forces stood guard. A few young men in black T-shirts handed out pamphlets. Some women chanted in an area ringed by police and State Security agents. When two young men walked up to join the women, police pushed them away.

Elsewhere in the city, some heeded the call to strike.

Poor people, even more than the middle class, knew what the strike was about, Hibba Imam, 22, said in the decayed and crowded quarter of Imbaba. “The connected people, they don’t feel the suffering. They don’t see the bread lines,” she said, adding that she had stayed indoors until Sunday afternoon. Imam had heard of Facebook, she said. Many others in the neighborhood said they never had.

By late afternoon, of the 74,000 people who had registered on the Facebook protest page, only 15 — three men and 12 women — were still eager to gather for a protest. Maher was not one of them.

“What should I do?” Mustafa asked Maher by cellphone after police forced her back from the main protest area. “Go home,” Maher told her.

“By the end of the day, I was sobbing,” Mustafa said later. Bitter, she deleted herself from the Facebook group. After a few hours, she signed back up.

The next day, Monday, May 5, the government stunned Egyptians by increasing fuel prices more than 40 percent.

That Wednesday, police arrested Maher as he tried to return to his empty home for the first time in days. Police and then State Security forces beat him from 1 p.m. Wednesday until 3 a.m. Thursday, stripping him naked, slapping him, dragging him across the floor tied to a rope and threatening to rape him, Maher said. They demanded passwords to the Facebook groups, although the groups do not require passwords, and the real names of those who had registered, he said.

Maher was released with bruises and one ear deafened by blows. “This time we were just tugging on your ear,” Maher quoted a State Security official telling him. “Next time it will be serious.”

Special correspondent Nora Younis contributed to this report.

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21
Mar
08

IHEU “ambushed” at Human Rights Council

IEHU brings up sharia law and its treatment of women and the barricades go up.

“It is insulting to our faith to discuss Shariah in this forum”

“They” are insulted. Boo-freakin-hoo!

“They” are an insult to the human race.

“Shariah” is an insult to the human race.

break-chain.jpg

Islamic Law vs Human Rights

IHEU has responded to claims that the “Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam” is “not an alternative” to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights but “complementary” to it. In a written statement to the UN Human Rights Council, IHEU opposed any resolution that seeks to limit the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration. We now have the official UN publication of the statement available for download — see below.

On Human Rights Day, 10 December 2007, the Pakistani Ambassador to the UN Human Rights Council claimed that the Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam, adopted in 1990 by the 56 member states of the Orgainsation of the Islamic Conference “is not an alternative” to the Universal Declaration but “complementary”. Complementary? Yet the Cairo Declaration makes no mention of the Universal Declaration and clearly states that: “All the rights and freedoms stipulated in this Declaration are subject to the Islamic Shari’ah”, and “The Islamic Shari’ah is the only source of reference for the explanation or clarification to any of the articles of this Declaration.”

On 24 February, in a strong response to this challenge to the universality of human rights, IHEU submitted the following written statement to the Human Rights Council:

The Cairo Declaration and the Universality of Human Rights

The International Human Rights Instruments

1. On 10 December 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights [1] (UDHR). The UDHR was adopted by the vast majority of Member States of the United Nations including all of the Islamic States with the exception of Saudi Arabia.

2. The International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights [2] (ICCPR) and on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights [3] (ICESCR), which came into force in 1976, are binding on all signatory States. These include 46 of the 56 Member States of the Organization of the Islamic Conference [4] (OIC).

The Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam

3. On 5 August 1990, the then 45 member states of the OIC adopted The Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam [5]. In this document all rights are seen as derived from God. The preamble states that “no one as a matter of principle has the right to suspend them in whole or in part or violate or ignore them in as much as they are binding divine commandments”.

4. At the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, Iran, supported by several other Islamic States, pressed for the acceptance of the Cairo Declaration as an alternative to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This objective was partly achieved in 1997 when the Cairo Declaration was included by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights as the last document in Human Rights: A Compilation of International Instruments: Volume II: Regional Instruments, (New York and Geneva, 1997, OHCHR, Geneva).

Complementary or Alternative?

5. On Human Rights Day, 10 December 2007, the Ambassador of Pakistan, addressing the Human Rights Council on behalf of the OIC, spoke glowingly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, noting the contribution made to its creation and to the two international covenants by many Muslim countries. He then went on to claim that the Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam: “is not an alternative, competing worldview on human rights. It complements the Universal Declaration as it addresses religious and cultural specificity of the Muslim countries”.

6. This last statement, however, is difficult to understand. The Cairo Declaration cannot be in any sense considered complementary to the UDHR. It makes no reference to the UDHR, while Articles 24 and 25 of the Cairo Declaration explicitly state that:
“All the rights and freedoms stipulated in this Declaration are subject to the Islamic Shari’ah“, and:
“The Islamic Shari’ah is the only source of reference for the explanation or clarification to any of the articles of this Declaration.”

7. Many of the clauses in the Cairo Declaration limit the rights contained therein by reference to the Shari’ah: in particular, Articles 2, 7, 12, 16, 19, 22 and 23.

8. In this regard, we note the statement to the Human Rights Council by Ambassador Gunter Nooke of the Federal Republic of Germany, also speaking on 10 December 2007, in which he sincerely regretted “the tendency within some parts of the international community to roll back the principle of universality in order to make the enjoyment of fundamental rights dependent on factors such as tradition, culture, religion or the level of development”.

How the Shari’ah limits Human Rights

9. Under Shari’ah law, Muslim women and non-Muslims are not accorded equal treatment with Muslim men. The Shari’ah, therefore, fails to honour the right to equality guaranteed under the UDHR and the international covenants, and thus denies the full enjoyment of their human rights to those living in States which follow Shari’ah law.

10. By limiting rights to those permitted by the Shari’ah the Cairo Declaration, rather than complementing the UDHR and the international covenants, undermines many of the rights they are supposed to guarantee. (See references [6][7][8] for additional documentation on this issue.)

Limiting Religious Freedom

11. Religious freedom is limited under the Cairo Declaration. Article 10 states:
“Islam is the religion of unspoiled nature. It is prohibited to exercise any form of compulsion on man or to exploit his poverty or ignorance in order to convert him to another religion or to atheism.”

Since it is a generally accepted view in the Islamic world that only compulsion or ignorance would lead anyone to abandon Islam, conversion from Islam is thus effectively forbidden.

12. It is notable that under Shari’ah law in many countries apostasy and any actions or statements considered blasphemous are harshly punished, in some States by death.
13. At the 6th session of the Human Rights Council in December 2007, the European Union tabled a resolution on the elimination of discrimination based on religion or belief. On December 14, the Pakistani delegate, again speaking for the OIC, said that differences remained in the wording of this resolution on, inter alia, respect for all religions and beliefs, and respect for national laws and religious norms about the right to change one’s religion. “Hence, we dissociate ourselves from operative paragraph 9 (a) because of its phrase ‘including the right to change one’s religion or belief'”. Yet this fundamental human right is clearly guaranteed under Article 18 of the UDHR and Article 18 of the ICCPR.

Limiting Freedom of Expression

14. Under the ICCPR, Article 19, freedom of expression may be subject to restrictions but only such as are provided by law and are necessary:
(a) For respect of the rights or reputations of others;
(b) For the protection of national security or of public order, or of public health or morals.
15. The Cairo Declaration goes further however in making this freedom subject to the Shari’ah. Under Article 22 of the Cairo Declaration a person may only express their opinion in a manner “as would not be contrary to the principles of the Shari’ah”, and freedom of expression may not be used to “weaken faith“.

16. On 18 December 2007, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution “Combating Defamation of Religions” by 108 votes to 51 with 25 abstentions. Similar resolutions had been adopted since 1999 by the Commission for Human Rights and by the new Council. This was the first time however that such a resolution had been passed by the General Assembly. The resolution expresses once again “deep concern about the negative stereotyping of religions and manifestations of intolerance and discrimination in matters of religion or belief”. But the only religion mentioned by name is Islam. The resolution emphasizes that whilst everyone has the right to freedom of expression, this should be exercised with responsibility – and may therefore be subject to limitations, inter alia, “for respect for religions and beliefs”.

17. Many delegations, however, opposed the resolution. The Portuguese delegate, speaking for the European Union, explained clearly why:

“The European Union does not see the concept of ‘defamation of religions’ as a valid one in a human rights discourse. From a human rights perspective, members of religious or belief communities should not be viewed as parts of homogenous entities. International human rights law protects primarily individuals in the exercise of their freedom of religion or belief, rather than the religions as such.”

18. Notwithstanding these objections, those opposing the resolution found themselves on the losing side of a two-to-one majority in favour.

19. The implications of this resolution for freedom to criticise religious laws and practices are obvious. Armed with UN approval for their actions, States may now legislate against any show of disrespect for religion however they may choose to define “disrespect“.

20. The Islamic states see human rights exclusively in Islamic terms, and by sheer weight of numbers this view is becoming dominant within the UN system. The implications for the universality of human rights are ominous.

Conclusions

21. The vast majority of the Member States of the OIC are signatories to the UDHR and the International Covenants, the ICCPR and ICESCR. By adopting the 1990 Cairo Declaration those States are in effect reneging on the obligations they freely entered into in signing the UDHR and the two covenants.

22. The Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam is clearly an attempt to limit the rights enshrined in the UDHR and the International Covenants. It can in no sense be seen as complementary to the Universal Declaration.

23. The statement by the Ambassador of Pakistan on 10 December 2007 can therefore be seen as misrepresenting the implications of the Cairo Declaration.

24. The OIC is attempting to limit religious freedom by promoting the Cairo Declaration and by rejecting wording in the Council resolution on the elimination of discrimination based on religion or belief that would permit individuals to change their religion or belief.

25. The OIC is attempting to limit both freedom of expression and freedom of religion, and to extend human rights to religions, per se, by its repeated promotion of the resolution “Combating Defamation of Religion” in the Commission on Human Rights, the Human Rights Council and the General Assembly.

26. We urge all states to remain vigilant and to actively resist any attempt to give equal status to the Cairo Declaration, and to oppose any resolution that seeks to limit the rights enshrined in the UDHR and the International Covenants.

[1] Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)
http://www.unhchr.ch/udhr/lang/eng.htm

[2] International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
http://www2.ohchr.org/english/law/ccpr.htm

[3] International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR)
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_cescr.htm

[4] Status of ratification of the principal International Human Rights Treaties.
http://www.unhchr.ch/pdf/report.pdf

[5] Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam
http://www.religlaw.org/interdocs/docs/cairohrislam1990.htm

H/T allysonrt

Related:

UAC Documentary “An Inconvenient Religion”
The Vast Islamic Conspiracy
The United Caliphate of The United Nations

The UN Has Lost Their Dhimmi Status…
Blood In Blood Out

11
Jan
08

Jihad

Global jihad terrorist attacks.

Video time line.

04
Nov
07

Fighting Female Circumcision & Debating It’s Religious Ruling

Or as it is also referred to as, female genital mutilation. A more factual definition.

Egypt’s fight against female circumcision clashes with tradition

Twice circumcised, Wafaa Helmy swore her own daughters would never suffer the same fate. But one night her own mother secretly took her first-born to go under the knife in their Upper Egypt village.

Despite pronouncements to the contrary by both Muslim and Christian clerics, she believes, as do many Egyptians, that this “purification” is a religious duty that helps preserve a girl’s virtue and honour.

The social stigma of not having her granddaughter’s labia and/or clitoris cut off was just too strong for her.

Official Egyptian statistics say 97 percent of women aged 15 to 49, Christians and Muslims alike, have undergone what the UN prefers to call female genital mutilation, or FGM.

Women here feel they are guarantors of a certain social order and few dare question a tradition that goes back to the time of the pharaohs, in spite of the stories of bleeding, infection and other nefarious effects.

In June, following the death of 12-year-old Bedur Ahmed Shaker, Health Minister Hatem al-Gabali issued a decree banning every doctor and member of the medical profession from performing the procedure.

That ban must still be translated into law and could face a tough debate in parliament’s next session in November. A ban was already imposed in 1997 but operations were allowed in “exceptional cases.”

Female circumcision can cause death through haemorrhaging and later complications during childbirth. It also carries risks of infection, urinary tract problems and mental trauma.

“It’s simple: I’m frigid,” says Wafaa, attending an information session organised by the Coptic Centre for Education and Development NGO at a church in Bayad al-Arab, south of Cairo.

“It’s a big problem with my husband. We argue all the time. I never want to make love. I have no reaction, no feelings, no pleasure,” says the 35-year-old Copt who was circumcised twice at the age of 10 because “there was still a little bit left.”

Kawkaba Fathi, a Muslim, has found her own way of dealing with the problem.

“I pretend I’m enjoying it to keep my husband happy and it’s going much better,” she says, her round face placid and framed by a black veil.

Kawkaba’s operation was carried out “the Sudanese way,” meaning that all her external genital organs were cut off. Traumatised, she decided with her husband not to have the operation done on their three daughters.

Around 60 women, all circumcised, are gathered to listen to a gynaecologist from the NGO.

“Circumcision is a very, very old tradition and has no connection with religion,” says Mariam Munib, describing common side effects: haemorrhaging, incontinence, painful sexual intercourse, problems giving birth.

Some women nod in agreement, but others are concerned about what people will say.

“What if the husband rejects my daughter on their wedding night because she hasn’t been circumcised,” asks one worried mother.

“People have to know if the girl is normal, if (her sexual organs) are too big, or deformed?” says another. She is echoing a belief among many women here that too “prominent” genitals must be cut off — at least if they’re female.

“Do you take your daughter to the doctor to know if her nose or eyes are too big or small? So why would you do it for that part of the body,” asks Sister Joanna, the petite and slightly stern Coptic nun who runs the NGO.

The gynaecologist says comparing female and male circumcision is like the difference between clipping a nail and cutting the whole finger off.

The government has even enlisted the country’s top religious authorities to drive home the message against what UNICEF describes “one of the most persistent, pervasive and silently endured human rights violations.”

Mohammed Sayyed Tantawi, the sheikh of Al-Azhar University, the top Sunni Muslim authority, and Coptic Patriarch Chenouda III, also declared it had no foundation in the religious texts of either Islam or Christianity.

The centre is particularly worried about girls aged eight to 12, prime time for circumcision. Arranging seminars in 15 villages in the deserts of Upper Egypt, workers hand out tea, washing powder and soap to encourage women to come.

Sister Joanna insists there has been progress.

“Ten years ago it was taboo even to say ‘female circumcision,'” she says, citing progress in spite of widespread local distrust including rumours she is pushing a Western agenda “to corrupt Egyptian girls.”

© 2007 AFP Source

 

About This Video
About 6,000 girls fall victim to genital mutilation every day, or about 2 million a year. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that between 100 and 140 million women worldwide are circumcised. Most circumcised women live in 28 African countries, as well as in Asia and the Middle East.

Al-Azhar University lecturer Sheikh Muhammad Al-Mussayar.

Al-Azhar University ( الأزهر الشريف) is the “the leading institution for Sunni learning in the Islamic world”.

Female Circumcision has been adopted and promoted by various groups within Islam. It is forbidden in Christianity Leviticus 19:26-28.

The practice of circumcision in Islam comes from the Hadith, Shariah law and the consensus of Islamic communities.

The Hadith

Narrated Umm Atiyyah al-Ansariyyah: A woman used to perform circumcision in Medina. The Prophet (peace_be_upon_him) said to her: Do not cut severely as that is better for a woman and more desirable for a husband. (Sunan Abu-Dawud: book 41, number 5251, Hasan)

The Shariah

The following reference to Shariah law comes from Ahmad ibn Naqib al-Misri, Reliance of the Traveller – A Classic Manual of Islamic Sacred Law. This book comes with the approval al-Azhar University.

e4.3 [Translated from Arabic] Circumcision is obligatory (for every male and female) by cutting off the piece of skin on the glans of the penis of the male, but circumcision of the female is by cutting out the clitoris (this is called khufaad).




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